Why the EU needs a Magnitsky act

European Voice

The European Union should show that it is prepared to act against human-rights abuses in Russia
If there is one thing that truly alarms the Russian elite, it is the prospect of being denied access to their European villas and Europe’s shops. Indeed, within hours of returning to the presidency last May Vladimir Putin passed an executive order pointedly prioritising the fight against “unilateral extraterritorial sanctions” against Russian “legal entities and individuals”.

Although he did not mention Sergei Magnitsky by name, Putin’s move was an unambiguous reference to the threat of targeted sanctions against the Russian officials identified as having played a role in the detention, torture and death of Magnitsky, a lawyer who uncovered the embezzlement of $230 million (€180m) of state money.

Putin’s executive order specifically mentioned the United States. Undeterred, seven months later Congress passed the Justice for Sergei Magnitsky Act, which imposes a travel ban and asset freeze on those who were involved in the events that led to Magnitsky’s death.

Russia’s reaction was furious, expressed most evidently in a hastily adopted law banning the adoption of Russian children by US citizens.

Imagine, then, how much harsher Russia’s reaction would have been if that legislation had been passed by the European Union. For Russians, Europe is closer physically, and more significant economically than the US. Europe’s fashion, private schools and, increasingly, the certainties of its legal systems and free societies are profoundly attractive to wealthy Russians.

But the probability of a tough reaction should not dissuade the EU from doing what it should. Russia has been allowed for too long to lead and manipulate its relationship with the EU.

A European Magnitsky list would be a powerful sign of solidarity with Magnitsky’s family, and a carefully targeted affirmation of European values.

But the EU could go further still. Last October, the European Parliament voted in favour of a recommendation that called for sanctions not just against those who connived in Magnitsky’s death, but also for similar measures against those thought to be responsible for other serious human-rights violations.

Member states have, however, shown little appetite, even though sanctions are regularly imposed on the elites of Syria, Iran and (until recently) Zimbabwe. This is disappointing, if entirely predictable, given how Russia’s divide-and-rule policy has neutered the EU’s approach towards Moscow.

What was not predictable, however, is the alacrity with which the EU now seems to be heading towards relaxing its visa policy with Russia. Recently, two member states with key business and banking relationships with Russia – Germany and Luxembourg – quietly dropped their opposition to visa-free entry into the EU for holders of Russian service passports. An agreement later this year looks increasingly likely, since the waiver would require the backing of only a qualified majority.

Capitulation by the EU would be a colossal victory for Putin. It would vindicate his predominantly bilateral approach to managing relations with the EU. He has prioritised visa liberalisation with the EU as much as he has prioritised combating Magnitsky legislation by the EU.

Soon, thousands of Russian officials – possibly 15,000 – could be allowed to enter the EU with no questions asked. They may well include the officials whose corruption led Magnitsky to prison, and whose violence led Magnitsky to his death.

While the European Parliament is trying to fight impunity, the other European institutions seem to want to reward those who prop up Putin’s authoritarian and repressive regime. It highlights the inconsistency and incoherence – and perhaps hypocrisy – of the EU’s policy towards Russia.

There should be no progress towards visa-free travel for Russian officials without concomitant moves towards the adoption of an EU Magnitsky law. It is time for the EU to put some backbone in its Russia policy and understand the leverage that it has over the Kremlin.

Kristiina Ojuland is an Estonian liberal member of the European Parliament. She was Estonia’s foreign minister in 2002-05. займ на карту займы на карту без отказа https://zp-pdl.com https://zp-pdl.com/get-a-next-business-day-payday-loan.php займ на карту