Posts Tagged ‘browder’

09
November 2012

Fight For Justice Continues For Murdered Russian Lawyer

The Global Enquirer

Sergei Magnitsky was a Russian lawyer investigating state corruption when he was imprisoned on fabricated charges by the ‘gangster regime’ of Vladimir Putin. Magnitsky suffered torturous treatment while in the custody of the Russian government who were attempting to force him into signing a false confession.

After 358 days of pre-trial incarceration, he died from a beating by prison guards on November 16, 2009, at the age of 37.

Since then his former employer, William Browder, has been on a mission to reveal to the world the truth about the imprisonment and death of Magnitsky and bring to justice those responsible for his murder. The quest has brought to light the deeply corrupt state of Russian politics and its ties with organised crime.

Browder is a co-founder of Hermitage Capital Management, a London-based investment firm which began trading in the Russian stock market during the 1990’s. Browder moved to Moscow during this time and was at first an advocate for Putin and his efforts to seemingly curb the plundering influence of oligarchs in the country.

However, Browder soon became aware that the Russian government under Putin was actually building its own criminal enterprise and merely channelling the former wealth of oligarchs into the private bank accounts of high-ranking officials.

Browder was publicly vocal in criticising these practices and began investigating the corrupt management of firms such as Gazprom, a state-controlled gas giant, and Surgutneftegaz, a secretive oil producer.

This quickly earned the ire of the Kremlin who launched a ruthless vendetta against Browder and Hermitage Capital.

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05
November 2012

Magnitsky’s martyrdom makes Russia ask: What is to be done?

The Mail on Sunday

In the darkest pages of Russia’s historical catalogue of state murder – the period of the Stalin show trials – there is a recurring moment of intense poignancy.

Typically, some comrade with years of loyal service to the Bolshevik cause, suddenly finding himself under arrest and charged ludicrously with working to sabotage the USSR, would beg his accusers to make one quick phone call to Stalin; that’s all it would take, he thought, for the hideous misunderstanding to be cleared up. Little did he know.

I thought of this when Bill Browder told me his story of the events that ultimately led to the cruel death of Sergei Magnitsky.

The criminal acts that Magnitsky had been investigating as Browder’s lawyer were so brazen that, as Browder put it to me: ‘I thought there was no way Putin would let such things happen if he got to know about them.’ Little did Bill Browder know, but he knows now.

What is to be done? In retrospect, Lenin’s question seems to have been hanging over that great intractable country for two centuries, since the ‘officers’ revolt’ against Tsarist absolutism in the wake of the Napoleonic wars.

It hung over the generations of radicalised intelligentsia who came after, and, during the short 20th Century of Soviet communism; the same question, with a reverse twist, was being asked by the victimised children of the Russian Revolution, the generation of Solzhenitsyn and Sakharov. In the end, it seemed that the question would be answered by the movement of history.

For a short, heady, chaotic time after 1989, it looked possible that something like a just society could put down roots in Russia for the first time. The Magnitsky case is one of many that tell a different story.

It is fitting enough that the story of this brave and honest man is being brought again to public attention by a writer and playwright.

There is no country where literary culture is more saturated by political nightmares and dreams of a just society. The abuses of power have done that for Russia. What Is To Be Done? was the title of a novel by a revolutionary in the 1860s. Lenin picked up on it.

A century after Lenin, alas, the question is still there, hanging over the martyrdom (there is no other word) of Sergei Magnitsky. онлайн займы срочный займ www.zp-pdl.com https://zp-pdl.com/online-payday-loans-cash-advances.php онлайн займ

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05
November 2012

Tortured to death by Putin’s jackboot state

The Daily Mail

I was eating brunch in the fifth-floor restaurant at Harvey Nichols in late October 2009 when we got the first warning, by text. It had been sent from Russia, but the sentiment was American Mafia: ‘If history has taught us anything, it is that anyone can be killed,’ a quote from Don Michael Corleone in The Godfather. We were in no doubt about its meaning.

I was safely in London with the rest of my team. But my Russian lawyer, Sergei Magnitsky, was not. He had been arrested in Moscow a year earlier on trumped-up charges by the Russian Interior Ministry after exposing a major government corruption scandal. I was worried, and with good reason.

The following month, late at night on Friday, November 13, my phone rang. It was a voicemail and another threat. There were no words. Just the screams of someone being beaten. Badly.

I called Sergei’s lawyer the following Monday morning to see if he was all right, but the lawyer said he couldn’t see Sergei that day. The Russian investigator in charge of his case claimed Sergei was not feeling well enough to leave his cell.

At 6.45 the next morning I took a call from a colleague who could barely get his words out. He was calling to tell me that Sergei was dead. He was 37, a married man with two children.

That was three years ago and his death has changed everything. Up to that point I led the volatile and thrill-filled life of an investment manager.

My main concerns were whether markets went up or down and what exciting holiday was next. Now, I have a new priority: I have to find out exactly what happened to Sergei, to get justice for him – and to avoid being killed myself.

How did I end up in this perilous situation? In 1996, I moved from London to Russia to set up a fund to invest in the newly privatised companies of Eastern Europe. Hermitage Capital Management quickly grew to become the largest of its kind in the country, with more than $4 billion of investments.

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05
October 2012

“Magnitsky Law” as a universal tool?

EU Reporter

The rejection of the Duma’s Speaker to lead the delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (Strasbourg) made headlines: apparently Sergey Naryshkin didn’t like to hear the report on Russia, examining its fulfillment of international obligations during the last seven years, simply labeling it as ‘a Russo-phobic’.

This was largely interpreted as an incapability to withstand well-grounded criticism by international partners – the 46 parliaments of member-states who expect the Kremlin to honor its international obligations on democratic development, including respect for Human Rights.

From the moment of the alleged flawed legislative elections the authoritarian rule in Russia has been desperate to keep the grip on power at any cost, a traditional Soviet-style violation of individual human rights attempting to create an atmosphere of fear and insecurity.

The season in the Duma started with a scandalous precedent of the stripping of a mandate from one of the most vocal critics of Putin, Gennady Goudkov (left-wing) who became subject of financial investigation shortly after he publically called Putin to step down.

The persecution of genuine political opponents followed after the draconian measures initiated by the Kremlin to silence the civil society: restricting demonstrations, use of internet, foreign aid, dramatically raising fines for all kind of civil disobediences, re-introduction of criminal charges for slander, all incompatible with the constitution.

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21
September 2012

EU-RUSSIA: “MAGNITSKY ACT” RECEIVES SUPPORT!

EU Reporter

MEPs gave green light to the initiative of Kristiina Ojuland for visa restrictions and assets freezing to individuals implicated in death of the Russian lawyer Sergei Magnitsky. Today Foreign Affairs Committee of the European Parliament voted for a recommendation to the EU Council with a score of 63 -2 – “no”, 1 – “abstention”.

On the eve of a vote Ojuland as a special reporter on the case held a debate with the representatives of differentn political groups in the European Parliament on amendments made.

“Hermitage Capital” Bill Browder, Magnitsky’s former employer, as a special guest of the hearing and an expert on the case called for ‘justice for Sergei’.

“We have all the evidence that Sergei had been beaten on the last night of his life, and he had been tortured before. Nevertheless Among 60 individuals implicated in the affair the only one who was prosecuted was a prison doctor, for not treating Sergei from the sicknesses he never had ” – said Browder.

Meanwhile the “Hermitage Capital” conducted its own investigation and the results were so convincing that the 39 million US doll in the accounts of corrupt officials have been frozen in Swiss banks recently.

“They love to travel and buy property in Europe, – observed Browder. – We must deny them this privilege, if we can’t get justice in Russia’. Since Magnitsky’s death the corrupt officials haven’t changed their luxurious lifestyle, acquiring properties and enjoying the European lifestyle. Moreover, the impunity encourages them to continue to insult the memory of the deceived and intimidate the victim’s relatives seeking justice.

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07
August 2012

Fire fighting

The Lawyer

Russia is on the verge of becoming a WTO member, but practitioners with in-depth, first-hand experience of the country’s legal, political and business infrastructure believe it is rotten to the core.

It is Russian Business Week 2010 and students in a crowded lecture hall at the London School of Economics (LSE) are on the edge of their seats as Roger Munnings, chairman of Russia’s Audit Committee Institute, stands up to deliver his keynote speech.

Before he begins he asks any Russian members of the audience to raise their hands: 200 hands shoot straight up. He then asks how many people wish to return to Russia to work after completing their studies: 190 hands quickly disappear.

Munnings carries on with his speech regardless, but when it finally comes to a close, one member of the audience cannot resist standing up and passing comment.

Maybe you weren’t paying attention when you asked for a show of hands,” he says, “but only 10 of 200 Russian LSE students want to return to Russia. These are the best and brightest students that Russia has to offer and they don’t want to go back home. Just what good news and a true picture of Russia are they supposed to be spreading?”

The audience member was none other than Jamison Firestone, managing partner of both Moscow law firm Firestone Duncan and London-based FD Advisory. His probing comment earned him an overwhelming ovation from the student body.

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03
August 2012

Mixing Human Rights and Trade Relations: Dealing with Today’s Russia

The World

After trying for some two decades, Russia will join the World Trade Organization, or WTO, later this month. For the Kremlin, it’s a hugely symbolic moment. Russia has joined the club.

Russia’s entry to the WTO should make it easier for nations to trade with them. By some estimates, the US could double its exports to Russia in the next five years.

But there’s a catch: A Cold War law remains on the books, which prevents normal trade relations between the two countries. It’s a law that many US businesses, ranchers and farmers want removed immediately. American Unions want Congress to take a tougher stance with Russia. The World’s Jason Margolis has more.

To understand why US companies won’t be able to trade freely with Russia anytime soon, we need a brief history lesson.

In the 1970’s, Soviet Jews, many of whom faced persecution, were prevented from emigrating from the USSR. Svetlana Boym was one of them. She’s now a professor of Slavic and Comparative Literature at Harvard University.

BOYM: “I was born in Leningrad, now St. Petersburg. I came to the United States as a refugee. The reason I was able to enter the United States and exit the former Soviet Union was thanks to the Jackson-Vanik Amendment.”

The “Jackson-Vanik Amendment” was passed by Congress in 1974. The Amendment denied equal trading rights to countries restricting emigration. It was designed to put pressure on Soviet leaders to open their borders. Many argue it worked. Some 1.5 million Soviet Jews were able to leave.

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30
July 2012

The Magnitsky law

Financial Times Magazine

After Sergei Magnitsky was beaten to death in a Moscow jail for uncovering fraud by Russian authorities, investor Bill Browder devoted himself to publicising the case. As a result, the US is close to passing a dramatic human rights law.

Browder remembers receiving the phone call at his London home at 7am informing him of Magnitsky’s fate. “When I learnt of his death it was like a knife going right into my heart. And I can’t say that I’ve even begun to recover from the shock, trauma and outrage that I felt on that day,” he says. “The only thing that gives me any comfort is spending my days single-mindedly pursuing his killers.”

From that day, Browder has devoted the same near-manic energy he once spent on cheerleading investment opportunities in Russia to exposing the country’s darker side. He has travelled widely in Europe and North America, publicising Magnitsky’s case and lobbying politicians and diplomats to raise the issue with their Russian counterparts. He and a team of five dedicated researchers have published reports forensically describing Magnitsky’s detention and death, financed several films highlighting the links between Russian officials and the criminal underworld, and, with the lawyer’s family and friends, helped set up a website, called Russian Untouchables, which airs the videos and documents corruption.

His campaign may soon result in the US Congress adopting a law naming the 60 Russians identified by Browder as being responsible for the false arrest, torture and death of the 37-year-old lawyer. The act, which has been ferociously resisted by the Kremlin and the US administration and some business interests, would freeze the foreign assets of, and deny visas to, those named individuals.

A decade ago, Bill Browder was flying high as one of the most successful foreign investors in Russia. With $4.5bn under management, Browder had committed his career and a lot of his investors’ money to proving his proposition that the shares of Russia’s newly privatised, resource-rich companies were absurdly cheap.

The cocksure, US-born fund manager aggressively argued to anyone prepared to listen – and to many who weren’t – that President Vladimir Putin had been unfairly maligned in the western press and was intent on bringing prosperity and order to the biggest country in the world, after the rapacious criminality of the 1990s. To the disgust of many, Browder declared himself delighted when Mikhail Khodorkovsky, once Russia’s richest and most powerful oligarch, was arrested in 2003 and jailed. “Who’s next?” Browder asked cheerfully.

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25
July 2012

Turning the tables on Russia’s power elite — the story behind the Magnitsky Act

Open Democracy

The murder of the lawyer Sergei Magnitsky in 2009 looks likely to trigger legislation in the United States which strikes at the heart of Russia’s corrupt power elite. Bill Browder, founder of the Hermitage Fund, moving spirit behind the impending Magnitsky Act, tells the story.

I have my family history to blame for the fact that I ended up working in Moscow. My grandmother was from Russia and my grandfather was the head of the American Communist Party between 1932 and 1945 (he was subsequently persecuted in the 1950’s). So when I was growing up as a teenager and going through my teenage rebellion, I thought the best way of rebelling against a family of communists was to become a capitalist.

I ended up studying economics at the University of Chicago, probably the most right-wing institution in America, and then I enrolled at the Stanford Business School. I graduated business school the year the Berlin Wall came down and as I started contemplating the next stage of my life, I had a personal epiphany: ‘if my grandfather was the biggest communist in America, I should become the biggest capitalist in Eastern Europe’. So I set off to do just that.

After a spell working on the Russian privatisation programme at Salomon Brothers in London, I moved to Moscow in late 1995 to set up the Hermitage Fund, which focused on investing in the newly privatised shares of Russian companies. Over the next few years, the business grew to become the largest investment firm in the country with $4.5 billion. Success was exciting. But this turned to frustration when I realised that the companies I was investing in were essentially ‘non-profit’ entities. They were ‘non-profit’ not because they were giving money to charity, but because the senior managers were stealing the profits.

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