Posts Tagged ‘election’

14
March 2012

How do we deal with Russia?

Progress Online

1. Russia is a business, not a functioning constitutional, let alone democratic nation-state. There is no distinction between political and business life, between state employees and those who run enterprises of any shape. From the collapse of communism onwards, politics has been paid for by the parastatal and private sector enterprises principally based on energy, raw materials and construction. The deals are written by lawyers, many of them working for big City firms with some experts reckoning that as much as a quarter of the City’s income comes from Russian related dealing.

2. The old communist nomenklatura have converted themselves into Russian Plc, a kind of giant John Lewis where everyone expects a share. Appeals to Russia to conform to European norms or deal with the west as a responsible geopolitical partner are talking to an empty room. If there are material advantages for Russia from Putin down to junior elected officials, then a deal is possible. Asking Russia, for example, to hand over Syria, one of its favoured arms clients, to Saudi-controlled Wahhabi Sunnis spells an instant loss for one of Russian most important export markets.

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07
March 2012

West needs to engage with ordinary Russians

Financial Times

Vladimir Putin, after a campaign dripping with anti-western vitriol, has won a presidential election that monitors and Russia’s newly-emboldened opposition say was deeply flawed. How should the west respond?

US and European Union leaders are already being criticised – including by Russian pro-democracy groups – for tepid criticism of the alleged voting fraud. One European parliamentarian has said there should be “no business as usual” with Mr Putin’s regime.

But many in Russian civil society and the intelligentsia say it is crucial for the west not to isolate Russia at the very moment that its middle-class political consciousness is flowering.

Doing so could provide cover for a Kremlin clampdown on the nascent opposition. It would make it harder, too, to counter official propaganda that the financial crisis and eurozone problems prove western-style market democracy is not a shining model for Russia.

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06
March 2012

Russian Elections Did Not Bring a Surprise–but Now What?

The Foundry

A recent Heritage event analyzed Russia’s presidential election and Prime Minister Vladimir Putin’s return to the presidency. The election was held in the aftermath of mass protests against Russian leadership’s corruption and disregard for the rule of law.

According to David Kramer, President of Freedom House, Putin already lost in three ways: 1) by losing his claim to legitimacy, apparent from the mass scale of protests as well as a failure to secure a majority in the recent Duma elections; 2) because the fear that allowed Putin to continue his authoritarian policy is diminishing; and 3) by losing his aura of political invincibility. All these factors make Putin dependent on creating a myth of an outside (U.S.) threat to justify his hardline ways. From the December–February mass demonstrations in Russia, however, it is clear that the Russians are tired of the prevailing corruption that Putin allowed to flourish.

According to Vladimir Kara-Murza, Washington bureau chief for RTVi television network, the current protests are even more significant than those in the early 1990s. This is because while in the 1990s Russian people protested against poor economic conditions in the country, today they demand rule of law.

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06
March 2012

Russia: 100-Day Priorities for New President

Human Rights Watch

Vladimir Putin should ensure starting key reforms during his first 100 days in office after he is confirmed as the victor in the March 4 vote, Human Rights Watch said today.

In response to the unprecedented street demonstrations that followed the December 4, 2011 parliamentary election, Putin and other leaders promised political and economic reform.
Some of the reforms that would liberalize the political system passed their first reading in parliament on February 29, 2012.

“The Russian government has done the right thing by not interfering with public protests and proposing some reforms,” said Hugh Williamson, Europe and Central Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Russia’s president can effectively demonstrate continued commitment to the rule of law by taking some straightforward, concrete steps during his first 100 days in office.”

Russia deserves an open, tolerant environment for civil society, Human Rights Watch said. In the months leading up to the vote, Putin implied that Russia’s civil society was sponsored by the West and accused the opposition and his critics of “feeding off” Western grants. Human Rights Watch said the government should hold accountable those responsible for violent attacks on human rights defenders, whistleblowers, and investigative journalists, and foster the independence of Russia’s judiciary.

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05
March 2012

U.S. must maintain way to press Putin regime on human rights

Washington Post

HAVING CAMPAIGNED on a platform of anti-Americanism, Vladi­mir Putin likely will be proclaimed the winner of Sunday’s presidential election in Russia, giving him a new six-year mandate — and likely inaugurating an era of unrest in a nation whose rising middle class rejects him. The United States, which has focused on cutting deals with Mr. Putin while largely ignoring his autocratic domestic policies, now has a clear interest in encouraging the emerging mass movement demanding democratic reform.

It’s therefore unfortunate that the Obama administration’s first initiative after Mr. Putin’s return to the presidency will be to lobby Congress to grant Russia permanent trade privileges. The problem is not the preferences, per se; it is the administration’s resistance to replacing an outdated protocol for pressing Moscow on human rights with one suited to this moment.

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05
March 2012

Sunk by a wave: David Miliband writes why Russian election could be end of Putin

The Sun

DAVID Miliband first met Vladimir Putin in February 2000 in Russia.

“He was the newly anointed successor to Boris Yeltsin — and the British government delegation was among the first to meet him.

I remember three things from that meeting.

That Mr Putin sat very still, his piercing eyes scrutinising his visitors.

That he gave nothing away. And that he thought the best way to mark the visit was to take us to see a blood-and-guts production of the Russian epic War and Peace.

There were dead bodies all over the stage. And Russia wins every time.

Twelve years on, Putin has served the constitutional limit of eight consecutive years as President, and four years as Prime Minister.

But his script for continued power has been torn up by a wave of popular revolt at his casual announcement in September last year that “he had agreed” to swap jobs with President Dmitry Medvedev.

So today, there is something that would have seemed inconceivable six months ago — a Russian election where people feel their votes actually matter.

No one believes Putin will be defeated — not least because serious alternatives have been kept out of the race. But plenty of Russians think it is worth voting against him.

Experts say Putin loves to compare himself to Peter the Great — who ruled for over 40 years. His anti-hero is Mikhail Gorbachev, who presided over the break-up of the Soviet Union — what Putin has described as “the greatest catastrophe of the 20th century”.

Yet his rule has ended up being compared to that of Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev — a man stuck in the past while the world changes around him.

Russian nationalists, communists and liberals who have taken to the streets in their tens of thousands, in temperatures well below freezing, don’t agree about much.

But they are united against corruption, stagnation and arbitrary rule.

It is wrong to underestimate Putin. He is intelligent, worldly and ruthless.

In the first term of his presidency, in the wake of the embarrassing latter years of Boris Yeltsin, the rhetoric and to some extent reality was about reform as well as order.

Russians got their pride back — floating on a tide of oil and gas revenues. But since then Russian reform has gone into reverse, and vested interests consolidated their positions. So Putin the reactionary has come to the fore.

The economy is too dependent on oil and gas. The rule of law has fallen into disrepute. Foreign investors are afraid of getting their hands caught in the mangle.

And political and economic opponents, real and potential, and the journalists who have tried to cover their cases, have died in mysterious circumstances in Russia and abroad.

This matters to us. Russia is Europe’s neighbour and a major supplier of oil and gas to the Continent.

She sits with the UK on the UN Security Council. And we need Russia’s help on big foreign policy issues — preventing Iran becoming a nuclear weapons state, stopping further slaughter in Syria, stabilising Afghanistan.

Some say we should shut up about Russia’s domestic abuses, and just focus on making alliances on foreign policy. But that isn’t just hypocritical. It won’t work.

Russia hates its own weakness and does not respect weakness from others.

We do not need our Government to be macho. We need clarity, consistency and firmness.

It is not anti-Russian to demand justice for British citizen Alexander Litvinenko, killed on British soil.

Nor is it anti-Russian to say those responsible for the death of lawyer Sergei Magnitsky, who exposed tax fraud in Russia, should be held to account.

A Russia that is open and democratic at home won’t just be richer and more stable. It is more likely to be our partner abroad. And we should listen to her — because she has genuine insights.

In some ways I fear a weak and declining Russia more than I fear a strong and confident one. I would like to see Russia diversify its economy.

I want Russia to reverse the disastrous slide in its average life expectancy — now down to near 60 for men.

And I would like to see its remarkable people escape their tragic history at the hands of one dictatorship after another, and to do so peacefully.

Whoever wins the election today, one thing is clear: Russia will not be the same. The people of Russia have spoken up, and a wise leader would listen.

I will wager one prediction. Whether or not Vladimir Putin wins today, he will not be celebrating a fourth term in office six years from now.”
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01
March 2012

Twelve More Years of Vladimir Putin? Nyet!

Standpoint

White is the colour of political protest in Russia: it stands for clean elections and clean government. Vladimir Putin’s ex-KGB regime might in theory be able to provide the first of these, organising a more or less fair contest in the presidential election on March 4. But the second is impossible: theft and deceit are not just problems in the Russian political system — they are the system.

Russian political life has awoken from a 12-year coma. After the upheavals of the 1990s, stability and rising living standards mattered far more than the openness of political procedures or the contestability of official decisions. Now that has changed. Politics, once dismissed with a weary shrug, is the hottest topic in Moscow and other big cities. The internet is humming with parodies, many savagely funny, of Putin and his cronies. One of the best is a Borat-style hymn of praise to the Russian leader by a Tajik crooner, so pitch-perfect in its rendering of the style of official pro-Putin propaganda that many found it hard to work out if it was indeed a spoof, or just a particularly grotesque example of the real thing.

A more brutal take was from some beefy paratrooper veterans, growling: “You’re just like me, a man not a god. I’m just like you, a man not a sod.” That too became an instant hit on YouTube. When the band appeared on stage at the latest big opposition demonstration on February 4, the crowd already knew the words. The song’s success highlights two important trends. One is the interaction between the internet and political protest. That is quite new in Russia, where in previous years people went online to play games, visit dating sites, and follow celebrity gossip. Now cyberspace has become the greenhouse for opposition political culture. The other point, no less sinister for the regime, is that the habits of mockery have spread to parts of society that used to be rock-solid supporters of the regime, such as veterans of elite military units.

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