Posts Tagged ‘putin’

06
June 2012

A Conversation with Garry Kasparov

World Policy Institute
For nearly three decades, since he first exploded onto the world scene, Garry Kasparov ruled the chessboard. A product of the Soviet system that elevated chess and its greatest champions to a pantheon reserved only for the most revered members of the elite, this grandmaster from the Soviet republic of Azerbaijan was at once worshipped and feared. Millions played this de facto national game in small, crowded, smoky rooms and vest-pocket parks across the Soviet Union. Those at the pinnacle of political power feared him as they watched, helplessly, the arrival of a popular outlander into their most hallowed precincts. At age 13, he won the Soviet junior championship, and within three years was rated number 15 in the world, becoming a grandmaster a year later.

It was in the final decade of the Soviet era that Kasparov rose to international fame. In January 1984, with just five years left until the fall of the Berlin Wall, he was the number 1 ranked chess player in the world. But ahead of him lay one last hurdle for the world title—Anatoly Karpov, darling of the nomenklatura, embraced by President Leonid Brezhnev and each of his successors as an example of the finest product of the Soviet system. To take on the Soviet chess establishment, Kasparov joined the Communist Party and just months later played Karpov in a marathon 48-game match, which concluded a year later with 24 more games, leaving Kasparov triumphant. By 1987, he was a member of the Central Committee of the Komsomol—the union of Soviet youth. But in November 1989, the wall came down, and the Soviet Union began its rapid disintegration. While Kasparov continued to play chess—brilliantly—he had begun to look beyond the chessboard to the new, open society that held so much promise, he hoped, for new beginnings.

Today, Kasparov has transcended his circumscribed beginnings and has sought to build a bridge from the game of chess to the transformation of the Russian government, a political game where the stakes are so much higher. A leader of Moscow’s liberal opposition, he is confident that the end is near for the system that for so long curbed his aspirations for a free Russia. And, even more broadly, there are profound lessons to be learned from the link between his game and the societies where its most accomplished players flourish, as he explained to World Policy Journal editor David A. Andelman and managing editor Christopher Shay.

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06
June 2012

Putin Opens a New European Offensive and Plays Hard-Ball with US

Jamestown Foundation

The Russia-EU summit that takes places today (June 4) in Strelna outside St. Petersburg was pre-scheduled as a routine event without any significant predicted achievements. But President Vladimir Putin did not want to start his new term at the helm of Russia’s foreign policy in such a boring way (Kommersant, June 2). In order to add more symbolism and intrigue, he paid his first official foreign visit to Belarus last Thursday and then proceeded with two blitz-visits to Germany and France (RIA Novosti, Nezavisimaya Gazeta, June 1). This activity was supposed to compensate for his decision not to attend the G8 summit at Camp-David two weeks ago and for Russia’s absence from the NATO summit in Chicago. It also marked the tenth anniversary of Putin’s visits to Berlin and Paris that formed the “triangle of old Europe,” which took a firm negative stance against the US intervention in Iraq (Gazeta.ru, May 31). No lasting rapprochement came out of that moment of unity, but for Putin it remains one of his cherished triumphs.

The visit to Minsk served to demonstrate more than just that the Russian-Belarusian integration project remains on track despite protracted quarrels and less than ideal personal chemistry (Kommersant, June 1). Putin brought some fresh aid to the struggling neighbor despite Belarus’s broken promises of letting Russian companies partake in its privatization program. Additionally, the Russian president effortlessly established that Belarus remains a legitimate member of the European family of nations despite the objects being raised in the West against the authoritarian habits of President Alyaksandr Lukashenka (Moskovskie Novosti, June 1). This cordiality sent a signal to Ukraine that a compromise on gas prices is possible – and that its political price would not be that heavy, particularly since the EU pays no attention whatsoever to Kiev’s desperate pleas to receive assistance (Nezavisimaya Gazeta, June 1).

Putin’s intentions in France and Germany were far more serious than just getting acquainted with President Francois Hollande and re-introducing himself to the far-from-smitten Chancellor Angela Merkel. His overwhelming concern is about Gazprom’s retreat in the European market, where the volume of its gas deliveries contracted by as much as 20 percent in the first four months of 2012, compared with the same period a year ago (RBC Daily, May 30). Putin cannot grasp the paradox of the arrival of the “golden age of gas” that has turned energy export from a major political asset into a bad headache, thanks first of all to the “shale gas revolution” in the United States (Gazeta.ru, May 25). As the oil price goes south, Russia’s stock market cannot find a bottom. This denies Putin the advantage of a solid economic base in his attempts to exploit opportunities emerging out of the divisive euro-zone crisis (Newsru.com, May 30). Seeking to camouflage this weakness, Putin plays the few cards he presumes are his trumps to maximum effect, including Russia’s special position on the civil war in Syria.

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01
June 2012

Putin’s Olympics snub welcomed

The Times

Russian President Vladimir Putin will not be going to the London Olympics. British MPs, who have campaigned against human rights abuses in Russia, immediately welcomed the snub.

Former Europe minister Denis MacShane claimed it was a way for the newly-sworn President to avoid pressure on Syria.

He said: “Putin now realises that he is not welcome in London because of Russia’s flagrant rejection of European values and norms and failure to investigate and punish officials who violate rule of law.”

It is possible that Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev may attend the Games which kick off with the opening ceremony on July 27.

Russia will host the 2014 Winter Olympics in the Black Sea resort of Sochi.

The death of anti-corruption campaigner and lawyer Sergei Magnitsky has also triggered major diplomatic tensions with Russia.

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01
June 2012

Who gets a visit from Putin?

Foreign Policy

Russian President Vladimir Putin doesn’t choose his foreign visits lightly. On May 31, Putin makes his first trip abroad since being inaugurated for a third term as president on May 7, to neighboring Belarus. The visit is highly symbolic of Russia’s desire to be the leader in the post-Soviet space, as well as Putin’s continued support for the authoritarian president of Belarus, Alexander Lukashenko (also known as “Europe’s Last Dictator”). Afterwards, Putin will head to Germany and France, Russia’s major trading partners in the EU. After the European visits, Putin will fly to speak with Uzbek ruler Islam Karimov in Tashkent, to Beijing, and finally to Astana, Kazakhstan, to meet with long-time ruler Nursultan Kazarbayev; countries central to Putin’s vision of a Eurasian Union.

Earlier in the month, Putin suddenly declined to attend the G8 Summit in Camp David, under pretext that he was too busy forming a new Cabinet of Ministers, sending instead Prime Minister Medvedev. The move was widely seen as a snub to President Obama, as Putin avoided a meeting with the president, and sidestepped making the U.S. his first foreign visit. A few days later, Obama announced he would not be able to attend the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation conference in Vladivostok this September, because it conflicted with the Democratic Party convention.

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30
May 2012

Vladimir Putin to snub London 2012 Olympics

The Guardian

Exclusive: Russian president will send Dmitry Medvedev to Games instead, illustrating Kremlin vitriol towards Britain. Vladimir Putin will not be coming to the London Olympics, diplomatic sources have said, in an apparent signal of the Russian president’s continuing displeasure and irritation with Britain.

Putin won’t attend the London 2012 opening ceremony on 27 July, sources confirmed, despite the fact that Moscow will host the Winter Olympics in 2014 in the Black Sea resort of Sochi. Instead, the Russian president is likely to dispatch his prime minister, Dmitry Medvedev, to London.

The snub follows Putin’s controversial decision earlier this month to boycott the G8 summit hosted by the US president, Barack Obama. Putin claimed he was too busy forming his new government to attend, and sent Medvedev instead. He has accused the US of inciting street protests against him and is unhappy with Washington’s missile defence plans in Europe.

Putin has a long list of grievances against Britain. As well as the unresolved Alexander Litvinenko affair – a source of smouldering tension – the Kremlin has been infuriated by calls to ban senior Russians accused of human rights abuses.

In March, a group of backbench MPs voted to refuse visas to officials implicated in the death of Sergei Magnitsky, a Russian lawyer who died in prison, in 2009. The Foreign Office has so far ignored the non-binding vote and ruled out a Magnitsky ban.

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29
May 2012

Getting the New Kremlin Cabinet Wrong: No, These Are Not Liberals

Minding Russia

Tom Balmforth’s article on Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty about the new cabinet puzzled me, as his pieces often do in taking a more liberal view of Russia’s intentions than I think are merited. Where does this come from? Does it come from interviews with actual Russian officials? I don’t see such interviews referenced in the piece.

No, I think it comes from simply Balmforth’s own worldview, the evidently “progressive” view which he frames the entire Russian story in the first place, such as to make what he sees as reasoned estimates of Russia’s behaviour.

But they all strike me as being quite wrong.

First, there’s the notion that Vladislav Surkov was “demoted” and “in disgrace”. “Last December, he was relegated to an obscure deputy prime minister’s portfolio,” says Balmforth. But there was never any evidence for any punishment — and the evidence that it was NEVER the case is in fact now before us, as Surkov is back with just as much power (or more) than ever! It was just a maneuver.

Surkov was moved out of the limelight strategically at a time when demonstrators were seeing him as the heart of darkness, and Golos, the nonprofit election monitors were blasting NTV as “Surkovskaya propaganda.” Surkov has always been the grey cardinal of the Kremlin and never ceased being so — and while he was furloughed, he was put in charge of religion, too, and that’s why no doubt we see a nasty new legislative development regarding religious groups — no longer can they register as nonprofit or non-commercial groups like NGOs; they will have to be approved in a separate section of law.

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21
May 2012

Get tougher with Vladimir Putin

Boston Globe

Russian President Vladimir Putin’s decision to forego the G8 summit this weekend at Camp David is a noteworthy snub that merits a stiff response. Putin’s absence has engendered a lot of heated speculation. Is Putin honestly, as he alleges, too busy? Or is it a combination of domestic unrest, a potential Kremlin power struggle, and his annoyance at the United States for raising its displeasure about the violence against recent demonstrations that has kept him away?

Whatever the reason, Putin has made clear that his ambitions are not, as the Obama Administration has hoped for too long, to move towards an historic and sweeping nuclear reduction accord. This fact should now free the Obama Administration from the need to mute its criticisms of Putin’s anti-democratic tendencies and disrespect for human rights. The G8 was one snub too many.

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17
May 2012

Time to staunch the flow of dirty money from Russia

European Voice

What to do in the face of 12 more years of Putin? Follow the money, for a start.

The bombast and luxury were spectacular, but the foreign guestlist was on the sparse side. Two former European leaders, Gerhard Schröder and Silvio Berlusconi, were there to see Vladimir Putin inaugurated as Russia’s president in Moscow on 7 May, but almost nobody else from abroad.

That highlights the friendlessness of the Putin regime. But even if foreigners had turned up, what would they have said? Europe and the United States are finding it hard to know what to do as they face perhaps 12 more years of Putin.

One school of thought counsels rapprochement. We have to deal with Russia as it is, rather than as we would like it to be. In Britain, this camp is urging Prime Minister David Cameron to take the opportunity of Putin’s visit to the London Olympics in June to try a British ‘re-set’.

That approach is the triumph of hope over experience. The dire outcome of the American ‘re-set’ highlights the difficulty of trying a fresh start. The Russian regime, burdened with the distorting and paranoid prism of the KGB mind-set, pockets concessions rather than reciprocating them. Indeed, nothing being said or done in Moscow suggests that a softer line will bear fruit. The chief of the Russian general staff recently threatened a pre-emptive strike against US missile-defence installations in Europe.

Another school is ‘business as usual’. That is the approach of Germany and Poland. They have no illusions about Putin (and did not make the US’s error of wasting time and energy dealing with his token stand-in from 2008 to 2012, Dmitry Medvedev). Putin may or may not survive his full term. The regime may even tweak its business model. The main thing is to be sober and realistic, neither provoking nor conceding.

That is wrong too. One reason is that it leaves the countries in Russia’s shadow dangerously exposed. People in this camp have no worries about humiliating Georgia. They are loathe to stand up to Russia if it interferes in the internal politics of the Baltic states. They tend to be overly sanguine about the tide of dirty Russian money swilling through the West’s financial markets.

That is bad not only because the money corrupts those it touches. This stance also makes the West complicit in the misdeeds of the Russian regime. An interesting new note in the opposition protests in Moscow recently is anti-Westernism. Europe and the US are in fact propping up the regime, so goes the argument, because it has invested so many hundreds of billions of dollars in the Western financial system.

This is paradoxical in a sense: Putin thinks the protestors are Western puppets, just as they think he is part of a plutocratic and rapacious global elite. But it is not absurd. Although Western governments may in some cases discreetly wish the protestors well, their efforts are trivial compared with those of banks, law firms, PR companies and others who have their snouts firmly in the Kremlin trough.

Laundering Russian money in the West is lucrative. But it is risky too. What happens when the regime changes? New rulers in Moscow (perhaps liberal, more likely with a nationalist tinge) will have some hard questions for countries that have connived in the looting of the past decade.

The West’s best policy, as the brave and brilliant Russian commentator Lilia Shevtsova points out, would be to “practise what you preach”. Recent steps against Belarus, and a move taken by Swiss investigators arising out of the $230 million (€178m) fraud uncovered by the murdered lawyer Sergei Magnitsky, show what can be done. But so many bigger and juicier targets remain untouched.

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17
May 2012

Putin’s effort to block US sanctions serves corrupt officials – Hermitage Capital

Trust Law

Russian President Vladimir Putin’s foreign policy goal of stopping U.S. sanctions against Russian individuals and companies shows that his government is “working in the interests of corrupt officials”, UK-based investment fund Hermitage Capital said on Wednesday.

Hermitage Capital has campaigned in the United States and Europe for sanctions to be imposed on more than 60 Russian officials who the company says were complicit in the death of its tax lawyer, Sergei Magnitsky, or a cover-up of how it occurred.

Magnitsky died in a Russian prison almost a year after he was arrested on tax evasion charges. He had previously claimed that Moscow tax and police officials had embezzled $230 million in tax levied on Hermitage Capital profits.

“Putin’s executive order (to prevent sanctions) shows clearly that the entire Russian government is now working in the interests of corrupt officials who have committed grave crimes,” an unnamed representative of Hermitage Capital said in a statement.

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